Was napoleon's invasion a real threat to russia to lose its national sovereignty?
| Autor | Sergey G. Voskoboynikov - Tatyana V. Schukina - Vladimir G. Tahtamishev - Maria S. Akisheva - Andrey Y. Gumenyuk - Svetlana V. Yushina |
| Cargo | Ph.D. in Historical Sciences - Ph.D. in Historical Sciences - Doctor of Philosophy - Assistant of the department, V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University Humanities and Education Science Academy (branch) - Researcher, Ph.D. in Historical Sciences - Ph.D. in of Philosophy, Associate Professor, Department of History and Cultural Studies Don ... |
| Páginas | 899-914 |
Periódico do Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre Gênero e Direito
Centro de Ciências Jurídicas - Universidade Federal da Paraíba
V. 9 - Nº 04 - Ano 2020
ISSN | 2179-7137 | http://periodicos.ufpb.br/ojs2/index.php/ged/index
899
WAS NAPOLEON'S INVASION A REAL THREAT TO RUSSIA TO
LOSE ITS NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY?
Sergey G. Voskoboynikov
1
Tatyana V. Schukina
2
Vladimir G. Tahtamishev
3
Maria S. Akisheva
4
Andrey Y. Gumenyuk
5
Svetlana V. Yushina
6
Abstract: In this article, the authors try
to find the answer to the question of what
consequences could have the defeat in
the First Patriotic War with Napoleon in
1812. In the search for an answer to this
question, the authors conclude that
Napoleon’s plans in 1812 regarding
Russia should be considered as part of
his more general plan to create new
Europe, where France was to play a
leading role. This policy of Napoleon
came into direct conflict with Russia’s
1
Ph.D. in Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, Department of History and cultural science,
Don State Technical University (DSTU), Russia, Email: Voskoboinikof1968c@yandex.ru
2
Ph.D. in Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, Department of Document science and the
language communications, Don State Technical University (DSTU), Russia, Email:
vuzprepod@mail.ru
3
Doctor of Philosophy, Professor, Chair “Philosophy and History of Fatherland” Rostov State
Transport University (RSTU), Russia, Email: tahtamishev2012@yandex.ru
4
Assistant of the department, V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University Humanities and
Education Science Academy (branch), Institute of fhilology, history and arts Department of
history, local history and methods of teaching history Republic of Crimea, Russia, Email:
Akisheva.mariya@mail.ru
5
Researcher, Ph.D. in Historical Sciences, State Autonomous Institution of Culture of the
Republic of Crimea «Alupkinsky Palace and Park Museum-Reserve», Palace of Alexander III in
Massandra, Russia, Email: margerstern@yandex.ru
6
Ph.D. in of Philosophy, Associate Professor, Department of History and Cultural Studies
Don State Technical University (DHTU), Russia, E-mail: yushinasv@mail.ru
ally, England, which also nurtured the
ideas of continental hegemony. In the
eyes of Napoleon, our country possessed
an ambivalent essence, synthesizing in
itself the West and the East, Europe and
Asia, barbarism and civilization. His
intentions, therefore, were to simplify
the sociocultural space of Russia. For
these purposes, it was proposed to
separate the western regions of Russia to
include them in the Europe project and
Periódico do Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre Gênero e Direito
Centro de Ciências Jurídicas - Universidade Federal da Paraíba
V. 9 - Nº 04 - Ano 2020
ISSN | 2179-7137 | http://periodicos.ufpb.br/ojs2/index.php/ged/index
900
gradually weaken the remaining territory
of the state.
Keywords: Napoleon; Alexander I; War
of 1812; geopolitics; Indian campaign;
Bonaparte; Moscow; Napoleon’s plans.
1. INTRODUCTION
The Russian war against the
Napoleonic troops in 1812 was called the
First Patriotic War in historiography. It
acquired such a high status in historical
tradition not accidentally. Our country
has rather complicated relations with
Europe. Close diplomatic ties have
developed since the end of the XVI
century, from the second half of the
brilliant reign of Ivan the Great, when
our western neighbors drew attention to
the new state as a potential ally in the
struggle of Ottoman Turkey. These ties
were conceived to reorient the Russian
religion from the Orthodox to the
Catholic, which was to become a
guarantee of readiness to enter an
integral part of the Western cultural
ecumenical community. After European
diplomats realized that Russia would
remain faithful to the religion of their
ancestors, a massive information war
began against all of Russian. Centuries
later, Russophobia became a part of the
European mentality, which even the
Petrine transformations aimed at radical
Europeanization of the country and its
inclusion in the space of cultural,
economic and political relations with
Europe, could not prevent. European
countries often used the services of
Russia, especially its magnificent army,
but they never considered it a part of
their community, regarding us as an
exogenous, that is, alien, phenomenon.
In a way, the leading sense of Europeans
in relation to our country can be called a
sense of fear. It was exploited at different
times and has not ceased being exploited
now. This feeling gave rise to different
expectations: from light anxiety due to
close proximity to the invasion of
barbarian hordes from the east, crushing
European education and culture [17; 11;
12]. It is not surprising that in the minds
of European politicians of various
nationalities, even such odious and not
quite Western in essence, like Hitler,
ideas were born to eliminate Russian
statehood or to divide Russia into several
smaller states safe for the European
consciousness. Were plans of this kind
characteristic of the French emperor
Napoleon? The answer to this question
determines the purpose of our study,
which can be concretized as the
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