A reflection general about of social conflict in Mexico as a generator of regional violence / Uma reflexão geral sobre o conflito social no México como um gerador de violência regional /
| Autor | Miguel Ángel Vite Pérez |
| Cargo | Doctor en Sociología por la Universidad de Alicante, Espanha. Mestre en Desarollo Urbano por El Colégio de México. Professor do Instituto Politécnico Nacional de México. E-mail: miguelviteperez@yahoo.com.mx |
| Páginas | 993-1010 |
Revista de Direito da Cidade vol. 08, nº 3. ISSN 2317-7721
DOI: 10.12957/rdc.2016.22751
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Revista de Direito da Cidade, vol. 08, nº 3. ISSN 2317-7721 pp.993-1010 993
A REF LE CT ION GEN ER AL A BOU T OF SO CI AL CON FLICT IN MEX IC O AS A GE NE RAT OR
OF R EGI ON AL VI OL ENCE
UMA R EFL EX ÃO GERAL S OBR E O C ONF LI TO S OCI AL NO MÉXIC O COM O UM G ERA DO R
DE V IOL ÊN CI A REGION AL
Mi gu el Án ge l Vit e Pér ez 1
Abstract
The objective of this article is to examine the ways in which violence, coercion, and impunity in
Mexico are reshaping the concept of state. These dynamics are at odds with the widespread belief
that the legal framework and multi-party system that characterized the transition to democracy in
the country helped to build a modern and democratic state.
Through a close examination of some of the mechanisms of control th at the Mexican government
devised and implemented in addressing the armed social conflict in Tierra Caliente (Michoacán),
this article discusses the types of control that the government has developed and how they have
resulted in a fragmented approach to dealing with situations of armed social conflict throughout
the country.
Keywords: Social fragmentation, state control, armed conflict, legality, illegality
Resumo
O objetivo deste artigo é examinar as maneiras pelas quais a violência, coerção e impunidade no
México estão redefinindo o conceito de Estado. Essas dinâmicas estão em desacordo com a crença
generalizada de que o enquadramento legal e o sistema multi-partidário que caracterizou a
transição para a democracia no país ajudaram a construir um Estado moderno e democrático.
Por meio de um exame atento de alguns dos mecanismos de controle concebidos e aplicados pelo
governo mexicano para abordar o conflito social armado em Tierra Caliente (Michoacán), este
artigo d iscute os tipos de controle que o governo tem desenvolvido e como eles resultaram em
uma abordagem fragmentada de lidar com situações de conflito social armado em todo o país.
Palavras-chave: fragmentação social, o controle do Estado, os conflitos armados, a legalidade, a
ilegalidade
1 Doctor en Sociolo gía por la Universidad de Alicante, Espanha. Mestre en Desarollo Urb ano por El Colégio
de México. Professor do Instituto Politécnico Nacional de México. E-mail: migu elviteperez@yahoo.com.mx
Revista de Direito da Cidade vol. 08, nº 3. ISSN 2317-7721
DOI: 10.12957/rdc.2016.22751
________________________________________________________________ __
Revista de Direito da Cidade, vol. 08, nº 3. ISSN 2317-7721 pp.993-1010 994
IN TR ODU CT IO N
Tàààà Mààààààààà
trafficking has been linked to the end of the one-party-rule system that prevailed in the country for
over 70 years. The so -called transition to democracy paved the way for the current system of
alternating political parties (Astorga, 2015).
In reality, however, it was a political transition characterized by changes and reforms in
state institutions that were drawn up through various agreements. These resulted in new rules for
a plural political elite to access and exercise power, all of which was guaranteed through an
impartial electoral system (Woldenberg, 2012).
The violence that flourished during the transition to democracy resulted from two main
factors: on the one hand, from the unwillingness of certain political groups to accept a multi-party
system and their efforts to rebuild the hegemonic one-party system that had been swept out of
power; on the other, from armed social actors that sought a radical transformation of state
institutions. These two factors were evident in the assassination of presidential candidate Luis
Donaldo Colosio, of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), on January 27, 1994, and the
declaration of armed rebellion by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in Chiapas on January 1
of the same year (Woldenberg, 2012: 91-99).
In that context, violence was seen as a problem tied to the crisis facing PRI hegemony in
light of the rapid spread of political party alternation at the municipal and state levels throughout
the country. Violence was also considered to be a manifestation of an unwillingness on the part of
àààààà ààà ààà ààà à
power on mass mobilizations and the use and abuse of legal as well as illegal means for personal
and communal benefits (Durand, 2010).
Within this context, the idea that violence was a constitutive element of the Mexican state
was not considered, even though the government had abandoned its role as an agent in the
àààààààààààit adopted a new
role in creating regional markets for new transnational and neoliberal economic development
(Escalante, 2015).
While violence was considered a negative force, it was deemed to be a temporary one that
manifested the institutional (organizational) disintegration of an authoritarian social order as
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